Peru Between 1995 and 2004

By | December 21, 2021


South American state. The population, which at the last official statistical survey (1993) had just over 22 million residents, is made up of 45 % of Amerindians (Quechua and Aymará), 37 % of mestizos, 15 % of whites, while the remaining percentage it is made up of mulattoes and blacks. The urbanization process continued, and in 2005 about 73 % of the population was considered urban.

Between 1995 and 2004, the Peruvian population recorded an average annual increase of 1.6%, while in the same period the national income grew at a lower percentage rate (1.3%). However, starting from the first years of the 21st century, thanks to the good trend in the prices of raw materials on international markets and the simultaneous increase in the volume of exports, GDP has grown progressively (+ 3.8 % in 2003, + 4, 8% in 2004, + 6.4 % in 2005). The budget deficit decreased from 3.2% of GDP in 2000 to 1.1 % in 2004, while the national currency, the new sol, experienced a nominal revaluation of 5.5 % in 2004 (1.1 % in real terms), favoring a reduction of inflation at 3.5%. Public debt also decreased from 47.7 % of GDP in 2003 to 35.8 % in 2004, even if the passive interests remain heavy and absorb more than a quarter of the exports of goods and services. However, the good economic results were not enough to reduce unemployment and poverty: over half of the population continues to live below the poverty line, in a country where the informal economy still accounts for around 60%. activities. For Peru 2003, please check

As regards the various production sectors, agriculture continues to present the classic distinction between crops intended for self-consumption (wheat, corn, barley, potatoes), insufficient to meet national needs, and those for exports (coffee, sugar, cotton). In addition, Peru is one of the world’s largest producers of coca and it has been estimated that illegal drug exports produce an annual income of 1500-2500 million dollars. Fishing has always had considerable importance, as the abundance of plankton, conveyed by the cold Humboldt current, has made the Peruvian waters extraordinarily rich in fish, even if, in recent years, this favorable condition has been partly countered by the influence of a). Mineral resources are abundant and diversified, among which copper (10.4 % of exports in 2003), iron, zinc, lead, tin, oil (5.8 million tons in 2005) and precious minerals stand out. The industry is mainly oriented towards the refining and processing of minerals. Tourism is expanding, even if exposed to the country’s political instability. The Fr is a member of the Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN) and the headquarters of the General Secretariat, his main institution, is in Lima: however, the integration processes between member countries remain limited, as the region’s economies are often more competitive. that complement each other and only 10% of the total Peruvian trade takes place with the rest of the Comunidad.


The presidential elections, which were held in April 2000 in a climate of strong mobilization and heated political confrontation, saw the confrontation between A. Fujimori, the controversial and authoritarian president in office and A. Toledo Manrique, an economist of Indian origin. which had managed to aggregate the majority of the center-left forces into a vast coalition, Perú Posible (PP). The results of the first round, which assigned Fujimori 49.87 % and Toledo 40.24, were severely contested by the latter. In the simultaneous Perú 2000 legislative consultations, the coalition led by Fujimori won 52 seats out of 120,while PP were assigned 29. In protest against the conduct of the elections, Toledo did not appear in the second round, which took place in May, and animated a tough mobilization in the streets that lasted for months. The situation worsened when a film was made public (Sept. 2000) which portrayed VL Montesinos Torres, head of the secret services and always a shadow man of the president, in the act of bribing an opposition deputy. A phase of serious instability began: Fujimori, now deprived of his traditional international support and overwhelmed by the scandal, fled to Japan (Nov.). Early presidential and legislative elections were therefore held in April 2001. In the latter the victory went to the PP with 45seats, followed by the social democratic Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) with 27 seats and the moderate Unidad Nacional with 17, while the remaining seats were distributed among the smaller parties. In the first round of the presidential elections Toledo obtained 36.5 %, surprisingly followed by A. García Pérez, historical leader of the APRA, former president between 1985 and 1990, who, returned to Peru in January 2001 after eight years of exile thanks to the lapse of the statute of limitations for the crimes of which he was accused, he surpassed the candidate of the right L. Flores Nano. The second round saw the victory of Toledo with 53% of votes. The initiatives of the new president allowed for a sustained economic revival: GDP growth remained steadily above 4 % (6.4 % in 2005), private investments had a strong increase as did exports. However, the economic successes favored the middle class citizens without significantly improving the living conditions of the half of the population who remained below the poverty line. Also for this reason the legislature was characterized by strong political and social tensions: strikes and popular protests were repeated throughout the five-year period involving different subjects, from the public service, to workers, to peasants who opposed the drastic program of eradication of coca. In May of 2003, in response to yet another unrest, a state of emergency was proclaimed in 12 departments and in January 2005 an attempted insurrection by an ultra-nationalist group took place. The Toledo presidency was also punctuated by a series of scandals that involved the president and several members of his family and that convinced him not to reappear his candidacy. In April 2006 the first round of the presidential elections was won, in the presence of a myriad of candidates, by OM Humala Tasso Uñña, who preceded García and Flores. Humala represented the novelty of these consultations: former army officer, active in the repression of Sendero Luminoso, he had led an insurrection against President Fujimori; exiled and then pardoned, he rejoined the army until 2005, when he gave his support to his brother, one of the main responsible for the uprising against Toledo. The bearer of an ideology that mixed indigenism, socialism and neo-nationalism, Humala conducted a very heated election campaign, focused on the fight against corruption, on the nationalization of resources, on the polemic against multinationals and the United States, accused of carrying out systematic dispossession of the country. The runoff, held in June, however, awarded the victory with 53.5% of the votes to García, who, despite a program of social democratic inspiration and critical of neoliberal policies, obtained the support of the right, worried about Humala’s radicalism and the open support received by the latter during the electoral campaign by the Venezuelan president UR Chávez Frías. The result highlighted a deep rift in the country: the north coast and Lima in favor of García, while the south and the center, the poorest areas inhabited by indigenous peoples, sided in Humala’s favor. In the legislative elections, held at the same time as the first round of the presidential elections, Humala’s party, Unión por el Perú won 45 seats, followed by the Partido Aprista Peruano, new name of APRA, with 36, and by Unidad Nacional with 17, while in Alianza por el Futuro, the party that referred to Fujimori (banned from public office until 2011), 13 seats were assigned and only 2 to Peru Posible.

Peru 2003