Afghanistan Victims

By | December 16, 2021

The political structure provisionally given to the country derived from the procedures for concluding these operations: essentially entrusted to an ad interim head of state, residing in Kābul and protected by an international military force under a UN mandate, the ISAF (International Security Assistance Force), and indirectly controlled by a group of ‘strongmen’ with their own militias, such as Rashid Dostum, Ismail Khan or Gul Agha Sherzai.

The United States initially decided to drastically limit its contingent in the country to no more than ten thousand men, to maintain pressure on Ibn Lādin (later killed in a raid conducted by American special forces in the Pakistani city of Abbottabad in 2011), on his followers. and on the fleeing Ṭālibān, trying nevertheless to avoid coalescing the resentment of the local population against their troops, opposed to the protracted foreign military presence. Moreover, the preparation of the attack on Irāq also played a role in the direction of a limited American commitment, which however threw open the doors of the Afghanistan at the entry of the Atlantic Alliance, also due to the lack of states able or willing to assume the solitary responsibility of leading the ISAF. For Afghanistan religion, please check thereligionfaqs.com.

The entry of NATO into Afghanistan, which took place in August 2003, marked the beginning of a new phase of the conflict, coinciding with the launch of a multi-phase plan for territorial expansion of ISAF’s competences, which had hitherto been practically limited to region of the capital, which involved the northern, western, southern and eastern regions of the country in order, reaching completion in the autumn of 2006. The US-led operation called Enduring freedom continued throughout the Afghan territory., with a more marked anti-terrorist vocation and enabled to intervene even beyond the Durand Line, the border with Pakistan traced by the British colonizers of India, never recognized by Kābul. After the launch of the new Constitution, in the same period the direct election of the President of the Republic (2004, confirmed by Hamid Karzai), of the lower house (Wolesi jirga; Meshrano jirga, upper house, is instead elected by indirect suffrage) took place. and of the Provincial Councils (2005).

The ISAF attempt to assist the legitimate Afghan government in taking effective control of the country also led NATO troops to face growing resistance from the resurgent ṭālibān movement, which in the meantime reorganized in the tribal areas of adjacent Pakistan. In addition to the East, bitter clashes took place above all in the southern provinces of Kandahār, where a Canadian contingent operated, and in Helmand, where the British military quickly ended up in great difficulty, forced with few elements to defend isolated outposts., at a great distance from each other. Gradually, the Afghanistan therefore ceased to be represented as a ‘success story’ to counter the failure reported by the Bush administration in ῾Irāq,

The presidential elections of 2009 were heavily influenced by violence and fraud, to the point that the major Western powers forced Karzai to grant a ballot, from which the challenger Abdullah dead wounded Abdullah, Tajik, escaped in extremis. The affair compromised relations between the Afghan president and his allies.

The size of the contingents assigned to ISAF and Enduring Freedom gradually increased, reaching 140,000 in 2011, also due to the attempt by the new President Barack Obama to bring a decisive victory over what he considered the scene of a war fought by the United States’ not by choice, but by necessity ‘. The management of the surge Afghan – the strong increase in troops after 2009 – was entrusted to General Stanley McChrystal, who best interpreted the doctrine of counter-insurgency developed by David H. Petraeus and successfully tested by him in ῾Irāq. The use of bombing was thus limited and the need to defend Afghan civilians was emphasized rather than that of protecting Western troops. The results, however, were rather disappointing, also due to the different characteristics of the two theaters and, probably, due to the lesser importance that control of the capital had in Afghanistan from a strategic point of view.

The failure to stabilize the country resulted in a clash between the military top of the ISAF and the White House, culminating in the removal from the command of McChrystal and his replacement by Petraeus himself, who renounced the full application of his doctrine to achieve more quick successes useful for maintaining consent to the continuation of operations. Against the advice of the Pentagon, also in 2011, Obama nevertheless announced the plan for the progressive withdrawal of the United States from the Afghanistan, which was echoed by the launch by NATO of the so-called ‘transition’, or the progressive restitution to the security forces Afghan responsibility for the territories of their country, which was completed in 2013.

Since then, the contribution given to the fighting by international troops, in the meantime tapering off, gradually decreased, while the commitment of the national army and the Afghan police, rebuilt in the meantime by the allies, increased in parallel. The decline in the number of fallen Western soldiers did not correspond to a real reduction in the absolute level of violence. The attempts to negotiate an honorable solution to the conflict, undertaken both between the United States and ṭālibān emissaries, often with the contribution of third countries, such as the Qaṭar, as well as on the initiative of the Afghan government itself, through the High Council for Peace, they arrived at no tangible result.

Despite the electoral campaign for the choice of Karzai’s successor to the presidency of the Republic took place in spring 2014 in a climate characterized by great popular participation and hopes of genuine renewal, the protracted contestation of the results that forced the newly elected Ashraf Ghani to cohabitation of done with his rival Abdullah did not help the legitimacy of the institutions. The signing of the Bilateral Security Agreement with the United States and the SOFA (Status Of Forces Agreement) with NATO allowed an extension until 2016 of the Western military presence in Afghānistān. ISAF ended on December 31, 2014, giving way to Resolute support: a significantly smaller mission, with training tasks for the Afghan security forces, which did not theoretically include participation in pitched clashes. It should also be noted that the deterioration of security conditions induced Barack Obama in November 2014 to partially retrace his steps, allowing at least in 2015 the American troops to intervene in support of the Afghan ones in case of need. In 2015, the presence of formations adhering to the self-styled Islamic State (see IS) which arose between ῾Irāq and Syria was detected in the country.

Afghanistan Victims